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The Next Bad Idea: Tariff Rebate Checks

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There are few things people love more than a tax refund. Who can blame them?

So gleeful is the experience of receiving money back from the tax office that it tends to obscure one’s recollection of more pertinent fiscal facts — like how much tax you actually paid. Perhaps it’s a cognitive bias toward remembering happy events while filtering out less pleasant ones. Many U.S. taxpayers can tell you (with impressive accuracy) the amount of the last refund they received from the IRS. But quiz them over their overall tax liability or their effective tax rate and you’ll get a clueless stare.

Being in the employment of a prominent tax publisher does not render me immune to this phenomenon. I have been among the guilty on at least one occasion. I can recall a recent tax year when I inadvertently overwithheld, causing me to receive a larger refund than normal. When Treasury’s direct deposit eventually appeared in my bank account, it felt as though “found money” had inexplicably fallen into my lap. That was despite knowing there’s nothing clever or fortuitous about the negligent overpayment of tax. It accomplishes little beyond providing the government with a short-term, interest-free loan.

Politicians are keenly aware that tax refunds — and rebates — can be effective tools for currying favor with voters. From time to time, we observe politicians throwing support behind proposals for one-off tax rebates. Whether their intentions are praiseworthy is debatable. A cynic would suggest the practice resembles a crass exercise in buying votes. Rebates can also be used to convince the public that an unpopular tax isn’t so bad.

Tax rebates often pit economic sense against political sense. The societal benefit of returning tax receipts to taxpayers, by way of economic stimulus, must be weighed against the other legitimate uses to which public funds can be deployed. Those uses include paying for current public spending (deficit reduction) and paying down past spending (debt reduction).

The choice is a tricky one. It can be framed as a decision between an act that delivers immediate satisfaction versus one that delivers a more subtle benefit in the distant future. Should we care whether the national debt is marginally smaller after we’re dead? The answer is probably yes, but we recognize the temptation to opt for joy in the here and now.

There’s a reason I mention this. At present, the federal government is collecting a lot of money from President Trump’s aggressive tariffs. Over the first six months of 2025, tariff receipts have totaled $93.9 billion — far above the corresponding tally for 2024. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent recently indicated that annual tariff receipts could surpass $500 billion, noting that some of the highest tariff rates haven’t taken effect yet.

At least one GOP Senator thinks the time has come to give a portion of the tariff revenue back to taxpayers. Over the summer, Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo, introduced a bill calling for a national tariff rebate scheme, the American Worker Rebate Act of 2025, S. 2475. The bill arrived just days after Trump informed reporters that his administration was contemplating “a little rebate.”

Why would Trump tease a tariff rebate? The gesture might boost public support for the tax. A recent survey by the Pew Research Center shows that 61 percent of Americans hold an unfavorable view of Trump’s tariffs.

According to Hawley’s release, the bill would authorize rebate checks of “at least $600 to every U.S. adult and child” to be funded entirely by tariff receipts. The stereotypical “family of four” would receive a check for at least $2,400 — possibly more if tariff receipts surpassed expectations.

The size of the rebate would vary by household and would be fractionally reduced by the extent a taxpayer’s adjusted gross income exceeded a prescribed threshold based on filing status, similar to the income thresholds applied in connection with the government’s pandemic-era stimulus checks. The reductions would be phased in for AGIs above $75,000 (individual filers), $150,000 (joint filers), and $112,500 (heads of household). The rebates wouldn’t be issued until after December 31, 2026.

Implicit in every tax rebate scheme is an assertion that the government has overtaxed the public in some manner. It should follow, then, that the rebate act’s drafters believe U.S. consumers have been paying too much at the cash register because of the high tariffs of late — a trend that’s likely to accelerate once domestic businesses determine they can no longer absorb the hit to their margins.

For his part, Hawley refutes any negative association with Trump’s tariffs — though he makes clear that tariffs are the direct source of the proposed rebate checks. Instead, his release explains that “Americans deserve a tax rebate after four years of Biden policies that have devastated families’ savings and livelihoods.” That’s a fine line to walk: blaming the need for additional stimulus (to be delivered post-2026) on Biden, while conceding that Trump’s tariffs are responsible for the higher tax revenue that’s now accruing.

The celebration of increased tax revenue makes sense only if you regard tariff receipts as some kind of miraculous windfall — which they certainly are not. The perspective ignores that every penny of tariff revenue is there because a U.S. importer paid it. I’d counter that such enthusiasm is misplaced. It asks that we fist-pump a proficiency at taxing ourselves.

Opposition to high tariffs does not translate to an affection for Hawley’s bill. The optimal solution for economic self-harm is not to conjure an elaborate rebate mechanism but to scale back the offending tariffs at the first opportunity. The Constitution endows Congress with the authority to do just that, if only the body could be motivated to act.

Jesse Checks

I don’t often mention professional wrestlers in this column. The Venn diagram of international tax policy and sweaty men running around in spandex tights doing body slams is one that, frankly, you don’t expect to overlap. The exception is Jesse “the Body” Ventura, who, before serving as Minnesota’s populist governor (1999-2003), achieved national notoriety through his theatrical exploits in the World Wrestling Federation.

In his unique brand of politics, Ventura kept a distance from both the Republican and Democratic parties — being one of the few examples of a successful third-party candidate. He claimed to be fiscally conservative but socially liberal, a combination that works well in a place like Minnesota. As governor, he presided over a modest budgetary surplus that he vowed to give back to his fellow Minnesotans through a series of annual tax rebates. The idea was for state revenue officials to estimate the amount of retail sales tax paid by each household during the previous two years, then return a fixed percentage of that amount.

It’s notable that Ventura’s rebate scheme centered around the state’s sales tax. Nobody had suggested the sales tax was primarily responsible for the state’s fiscal surplus. Consumption taxes are more regressive than other revenue sources. Basically, every household in Minnesota paid sales tax; not so for the state’s income or property tax. The linkage to sales tax helped spread the benefit of the rebate scheme more broadly, even though affluent households received larger checks than poorer households.

The rebate checks were issued for three consecutive years, commencing in 1999. They came to be known as “Jesse checks” — a naming convention that Ventura did not originate but eventually learned to embrace. The Jesse checks landed in mailboxes across the state each August, just as families were wrapping up their summer vacations and kids were preparing to return to school. The average rebate amount varied from year to year, in proportion to the size of the state’s budget surplus. Most of the Jesse checks were for a few hundred dollars. Nobody grew rich off them, but the scheme was hugely popular — and people in Washington took notice.

When President George W. Bush took office in January 2001, he also inherited a federal budget surplus — something that’s hard to fathom in these days of soaring and unprecedented deficits. The Bush administration was unable to resist the temptation to replicate Ventura’s feat on a national scale.

In June of that year, Congress enacted the Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act. Among other things, the statute reduced marginal tax rates across existing income brackets. The rate for the lower income bracket was reduced from 15 percent to 10 percent, producing tax savings that would be broadly spread among taxpayers of differing income levels. The Bush Treasury opted to distribute the resulting savings in an expedited manner, issuing rebates (akin to Jesse checks) in advance of annual filing deadlines.

The rebate checks went out between July and September 2001, although tax returns wouldn’t be due until April 15 of the following year. The urgency was explained by the national economy’s slide into recession. The hope was that a quick jolt of stimulus (delivered without haste) could stir an economic recovery.

Ventura and Bush met that same year, as the federal tax rebates were still being planned. Local media in Minnesota reported that the governor encouraged the president to refer to the forthcoming tax rebates as “GW checks,” adding the move would be good politically. Bush declined to do so out of modesty, an increasingly rare trait in today’s Washington.

With or without self-aggrandizement, a kind of precedent was established. Call it unspoken policy. Anytime there’s a federal budgetary surplus (which sounds laughable), Congress may conclude that past lawmakers have overtaxed their constituents such that a prompt return of the excess revenue is justified. Alternately, anytime Congress has enacted a future tax cut, Treasury may conclude the economic outlook is better served by distributing the tax savings sooner rather than later.

These parallels are of limited relevance for purposes of the proposed rebate act. Today there is no budget surplus to work with, unlike Ventura’s experience in 1999 and Bush’s experience in 2001.

Fiscal Atonement

Jesse checks were a hit with Minnesotans. Bush got political mileage out of his tax rebate checks. Does that mean we’ll soon be waiting on “Hawley checks,” perhaps branded as “Trump checks”?

It’s far too early to say. Besides, there’s a nontrivial chance much of the recently accrued tariff revenue will need to be separately refunded to importers through litigation. That depends on what appellate courts make of Trump’s reliance on the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). Thus far, two federal courts have ruled that Trump’s IEEPA tariffs are invalid. The decisions are on appeal.

Apart from the IEEPA issue, there remains a conceptual glitch with Hawley’s bill. The ultimate purpose of any tax rebate scheme is to rectify a fiscal wrong — that is, to return excess tax receipts to the public. To call for an organized program of federal tariff rebates is to all but concede that U.S. taxpayers are being overtaxed, currently, through the harsh treatment of imports. It’s doubtful that blaming current woes on Biden-era inflation is going to fool anyone, especially if Trump eventually faces his own inflationary episode. That may not have occurred yet, but today’s tariff costs don’t reach yesterday’s inventories.

Either way, people will inevitably connect the dots and recognize the circularity before their eyes: The government demands a tariff from importers, consumers are then forced to pay elevated prices, and the government then rebates a fraction of tariff revenues back to taxpayers. If that’s the plan, why bother with the tariff in the first place?

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